Utah Proposition 4, Independent Advisory Commission on Redistricting Initiative (2018)

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Utah Proposition 4
Flag of Utah.png
Election date
November 6, 2018
Topic
Redistricting measures
Status
Repealed, altered, or partially repealed
Approved/Altered
Type
State statute
Origin
Citizens


Utah Proposition 4, the Independent Redistricting Commission Initiative, was on the ballot in Utah as an initiated state statute on November 6, 2018. It was approved and then altered by the legislature.

A "yes" vote supported this measure to create a seven-member independent redistricting commission to draft and recommend to the Utah State Legislature maps for congressional and state legislative districts according to certain criteria.
A "no" vote opposed this measure to create a seven-member independent redistricting commission responsible for drafting and recommending congressional and state legislative district maps to the Utah State Legislature for its approval or rejection.

Election results

Utah Proposition 4

Result Votes Percentage

Approved Yes

512,218 50.34%
No 505,274 49.66%
Results are officially certified.
Source


Aftermath

See also: Legislative alteration

Proposition 4 support committee Better Boundaries came to an agreement with the Utah State Legislature regarding the implementation of Proposition 4. Senate Bill 200, which was passed by the legislature on March 18, 2020, was designed to make changes to Proposition 4 and the redistricting process. SB 200 was passed by a vote of 25-0 in the Senate and 67-4 in the House. Under Senate Bill 200, the redistricting commission established by Proposition 4 was designed to remain and the state legislature was set to also have its own redistricting committee. Both the commission and committee could recommend maps. SB 200 was designed to appropriate $1 million to fund the redistricting commission.[1][2] Utah is one of 11 states that feature the initiated state statute power and that have no restrictions on how soon or with what majority state legislators can repeal or amend initiated statutes.

Overview

What is redistricting?

Redistricting is the process by which new congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn. Each of Utah's four United States Representatives and 104 state legislators are elected from political divisions called districts. United States Senators are not elected by districts, but by the states at large. District lines are redrawn every 10 years following completion of the United States census. The federal government stipulates that districts must have nearly equal populations and must not discriminate on the basis of race or ethnicity.[3][4][5][6]

How was redistricting done in Utah?

In Utah, both congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn by the state legislature. These lines are subject to veto by the governor. Redistricting must be done during the legislative session immediately following the release of the results of a federal census according to Amendment D approved by voters in 2008.[7] The next federal decennial census {{{after}}} in 2020.

What did Proposition 4 change?

Proposition 4 was designed to create a seven-member independent redistricting commission to draft maps for congressional and state legislative districts. Members are appointed by the governor and state legislative leaders. A person is not eligible to serve as a commissioner if, during the four years before appointment, he or she was a lobbyist; was a candidate for or holder of any political or elected office; received compensation from a political party, political party committee, or political action committee associated with a political party. Members are required to submit redistricting plans to the Legislature for approval or rejection. Click here to read more about the commission members. Click here to read more about the commission's process and standards for creating new maps.

Who supported and opposed Proposition 4?

Better Boundaries led the campaign in support of Proposition 4.

Ballotpedia identified one committee—Utahns for Responsive Government—registered in support of Proposition 4. The committee had reported $2.8 million in contributions and $2.8 million in expenditures. The largest donor was the Action Now Initiative, which gave $1.12 million.[8]

Ballotpedia did not identify any committees registered to oppose Proposition 4.

What other states had independent redistricting commissions?

As of 2018, four states had an independent commission to conduct redistricting the state's U.S. House districts: Washington, Idaho, California, and Arizona. Six states had an independent commission to conduct redistricting for state House and Senate districts: Alaska, California, Arizona, Washington, Idaho, and Montana.

Why was Proposition 4 on the ballot?

Following the completion of Utah's redistricting process, Republicans and Democrats began investigating the conduct of their respective political rivals. Both parties filed a Government Records Access and Management Act request, seeking communications regarding the redistricting process. This information, said Republicans, revealed that Democratic lawmakers worked behind the scenes to determine the political impact of redistricting proposals. The GOP called the actions hypocritical in light of Democratic calls for greater transparency. Democrats, however, argued that their actions were primarily defensive and were aimed at combating shady tactics on the part of state Republicans. Click here to read more about the redistricting processes in Utah in 2010 and the partisan conflicts that ensued.

What other states had redistricting measures on the ballot in 2018?

See also: Redistricting measures on the ballot

In 2018, voters decided six ballot measures in five states designed to change how congressional districts, state legislative districts, or both types are drawn following the decennial U.S. Census. As of 2018, six was the highest number of redistricting-related ballot measures in a single year since 1982, when nine measures were on the ballot. Joshua Silver, CEO of the organization Represent.Us, described the measures as "the best reform map we’ve seen in decades."[9] The ballot measures followed the U.S. Supreme Court's unanimous dismissal of the case Gill v. Whitford, which addressed the claim of partisan gerrymandering in Wisconsin. In June 2018, the Supreme Court ruled that plaintiffs failed to demonstrate standing. Therefore, the justices did not address the broader question of whether partisan gerrymandering claims can be brought to trial under the U.S. Constitution.[10] The following measures were on the ballot in 2018:

Measure Description Status
Colorado Amendment Y Create an independent commission for congressional districts Approved Approveda
Colorado Amendment Z Create an independent commission for state legislative districts Approved Approveda
Michigan Proposal 2 Create an independent commission for congressional and state legislative districts Approved Approveda
Missouri Amendment 1 Create the position of state demographer to draw state legislative districts Approved Approveda
Ohio Issue 1 Change state legislative requirements to approve maps of congressional districts Approved Approveda
Utah Proposition 4 Create an independent commission for to recommend congressional and state legislative districts Approved Approveda

Measure design

Proposition 4 was designed to create a seven-member independent redistricting commission to draft maps for congressional and state legislative districts. [11]

Commission members

The commission was designed to be composed of seven members, as follows:[11]

  • One appointed by the governor, to serve as the chair of the commission;
  • One appointed by the president of the Utah Senate;
  • One appointed by the speaker of the Utah House of Representatives;
  • One appointed by the leader of the largest minority political party in the Utah Senate;
  • One appointed by the leader of the largest minority political party in the Utah House of Representatives;
  • One appointed jointly by the leadership of the majority political party in the Utah Senate, president of the Utah Senate, and the leadership of the same political party in the Utah House of Representatives; and
  • One appointed jointly by the leadership of the largest minority political party in the Utah Senate, and the leadership of the same political party in the Utah House of Representatives, including the speaker of the House, if the speaker is a member of the same political party.

A person is not eligible to serve as a commissioner if, during the four years before appointment, he or she:[11]

  • was a lobbyist;
  • was a candidate for or holder of any political or elected office; or
  • received compensation from a political party, political party committee, or political action committee associated with a political party.

In addition, the qualifications for two commissioners—the ones appointed jointly by the leadership of the two largest political parties in the legislature—exclude the following:

  • anyone who was affiliated with any political party,
  • anyone who voted in any political party's regular primary election or municipal primary election; or
  • anyone who served as a delegate to a political party convention.

Process and standards for designing new maps

Those with the authority to appoint members to the commission are required to appoint members at least 30 days after the state Legislature receives the decennial U.S. census report. The commission are required to select between one and three plans, with the vote of at least five members, to submit to the chief justice of the Utah Supreme Court. The chief justice is responsible for determining if the commission's plans meet redistricting standards. The commission will then forward the plans to the Utah State Legislature, which may decide whether to accept, amend, or reject the plans.[11]

Proposition 4 was designed to establish standards for the redistricting process in the following order of priority:[11]

(a) adhering to federal law and achieving equal population between districts;
(b) minimizing divisions of municipalities and counties across multiple districts;
(c) making districts geographically compact;
(d) making districts that are contiguous and allow for ease of transport throughout the district;
(e) preserving traditional neighborhoods and local communities of interest;
(f) following natural and geographic boundaries, barriers, and features; and
(g) maximizing the agreement of boundaries between different types of districts.

Proposition 4 prohibited the redistricting commission from dividing districts to favor an incumbent elected official, a candidate, or a political party. Proposition 4 also required the commission to use "judicial standards and the best available data and scientific and statistical methods" to draft maps.[11]

Public hearings and involvement

Proposition 4 required the commission to establish and maintain a website or electronic platform to communicate with the public and make public all of the plans submitted to the commission, and also to allow the public to submit redistricting plans and comments to the commission. The commission is required to hold public hearings and make available recordings of commission meetings and hearings under Proposition 4.[11]

Legislative rejection

Although the Legislature can reject maps submitted by the commission, the Legislature would then need to to submit its own proposed map which would need to meet the same standards of a map drawn by the independent redistricting commission.[11][12]

Text of measure

Ballot title

The ballot title for Proposition 4 was as follows:[13]

Shall a law be enacted to:

  • create a seven-member commission to recommend redistricting plans to the Legislature that divide the state into Congressional, legislative, and state school board districts;
  • provide for appointments to that commission: one by the Governor, three by legislative majority party leaders, and three by legislative minority party leaders;
  • provide qualifications for commission members, including limitations on their political activity;
  • require the Legislature to enact or reject a commission-recommended plan; and
  • establish requirements for redistricting plans and authorize lawsuits to block implementation of a redistricting plan enacted by the Legislature that fails to conform to those requirements?[14]


Impartial analysis

The impartial analysis for Proposition 4 was as follows:[15]

Background

The state is divided into different types of districts for electing different officers. There are districts for electing representatives to the U.S. House of Representatives, districts for electing members to the Utah Legislature, and districts for electing representatives to the State Board of Education. Under federal constitutional law requiring one person’s voting power to be roughly the same as another person’s, each type of district is required to have at least a roughly equal population as each other district of that type.

Every 10 years, the federal government conducts a census to count the population of each state. During the 10-year period from one census to the next, the population of the state shifts, resulting in unequal populations within the various districts. Following each census, the Legislature redefines the boundaries of those districts to ensure roughly equal populations within the districts. This redefining of district boundaries is commonly referred to as “redistricting.”

Proposition 4

Proposition 4 affects redistricting in Utah in three main ways: (1) it creates a seven-member appointed commission to participate in the process of formulating redistricting plans; (2) it imposes requirements on the Legislature’s redistricting process; and (3) it establishes standards with which redistricting plans must comply.

1. Redistricting Commission
Current Law

The Utah Constitution states that “the Legislature shall divide the state” into districts. Current Utah law does not provide for the involvement of a commission or any other group in the redistricting process.

Effect of Proposition 4

Proposition 4 creates the “Utah Independent Redistricting Commission,” with responsibility to recommend redistricting plans to the Legislature. The redistricting commission consists of seven members. One member is appointed by each of the following:

  • the governor;
  • the president of the Utah Senate;
  • the speaker of the Utah House of Representatives;
  • the leader of the largest minority political party in the Utah Senate;
  • the leader of the largest minority political party in the Utah House of Representatives;
  • Utah Senate and House leadership of the political party that is the majority party in the Utah Senate; and
  • Utah Senate and House leadership of the political party that is the largest minority party in the Utah Senate.

Under Proposition 4, a person may not be appointed to the commission if the person has engaged in certain political activity during the four or, in some cases, five years before appointment. The Proposition also places limitations on certain political activity of commission members during their service on the commission and for four years afterwards.

Proposition 4 establishes a process for the commission to follow in recommending redistricting plans. Among other things, the Proposition requires the commission to:

  • make redistricting plans available to the public and hold public hearings; and
  • assess whether redistricting plans comply with standards established by Proposition 4.

If the commission fails to submit redistricting plans to the Legislature by a specified deadline, the Utah Supreme Court chief justice is required to select plans for the commission to submit.

2. Legislature’s Redistricting Process
Current Law

Under current law, the Legislature performs redistricting according to a process it defines internally, with no limitations or requirements imposed by state law. The Legislature’s past redistricting process has included opportunities for the public to submit redistricting plans, a legislative redistricting committee to adopt redistricting standards and recommend plans, the posting of plans on the Legislature’s website, and public hearings around the state.

Effect of Proposition 4

Proposition 4 places requirements on the process that the Legislature uses to enact redistricting plans, including limits on when and the circumstances under which the Legislature may enact a redistricting plan. Proposition 4 requires the Legislature to enact or reject a plan that the commission submits but does not limit the Legislature from enacting its own separate plan. The commission may require a plan being considered by the Legislature to undergo a commission assessment to determine whether it complies with standards established by the Proposition. If the Legislature enacts a plan other than one submitted by the commission, the Proposition requires the Legislature to publicly issue a detailed written report explaining why.

3. Standards Applicable to Redistricting Plans
Current Law

Redistricting plans enacted by the Legislature are required to comply with certain provisions of federal law, including a requirement that districts have roughly equal populations. Utah law does not specify additional standards with which redistricting plans must comply.

Effect of Proposition 4

Proposition 4 requires commission-recommended or Legislature-enacted redistricting plans, as much as possible, to:

  • minimize the division of counties, cities, and towns;
  • create districts that are geographically compact and in one unbroken piece;
  • preserve traditional neighborhoods and local communities;
  • follow natural and geographic features; and
  • maximize boundary agreement among different types of districts.

The Proposition also prohibits the commission or Legislature from favoring or disfavoring incumbent elected officials or from considering partisan political information.

The Proposition authorizes any Utah resident to file a lawsuit requesting a court to block implementation of a redistricting plan enacted by the Legislature that fails to conform to the standards and requirements established by Proposition 4.

Potential Constitutional Conflicts

Proposition 4 raises the following potential conflicts with the United States Constitution or Utah Constitution:

  • restricting former commission members from engaging in certain political activity after serving on the commission may conflict with freedom of speech and association guarantees of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution and similar guarantees under Article I, Sections 1 and 15 of the Utah Constitution;
  • directing the Utah Supreme Court chief justice to select redistricting plans to recommend to the Legislature may violate separation of powers principles under Article V, Section 1 of the Utah Constitution; and
  • requiring redistricting plans enacted by the Legislature to comply with certain standards and imposing other restrictions on the Legislature’s redistricting process may violate Article IX, Section 1 of the Utah Constitution.

[14]

Fiscal impact

The fiscal impact statement for Proposition 4 was as follows:[15]

The legislative fiscal analyst estimates that implementing Proposition 4 may cost the state $1,015,500 every 10 years for commission and other redistricting-related expenses. The state may incur additional costs to defend lawsuits authorized by the Proposition. [14]

Full text

The full text of the initiative is available here.

Readability score

See also: Ballot measure readability scores, 2018
Using the Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level (FKGL and Flesch Reading Ease (FRE) formulas, Ballotpedia scored the readability of the ballot title and summary for this measure. Readability scores are designed to indicate the reading difficulty of text. The Flesch-Kincaid formulas account for the number of words, syllables, and sentences in a text; they do not account for the difficulty of the ideas in the text. The Office of Legislative Research and General Counsel wrote the ballot language for this measure.


The FKGL for the ballot title is grade level 15, and the FRE is 17. The word count for the ballot title is 102, and the estimated reading time is 27 seconds. The FKGL for the ballot summary is grade level 14, and the FRE is 22.5. The word count for the ballot summary is 940, and the estimated reading time is 4 minutes and 10 seconds.

In 2018, for the 167 statewide measures on the ballot, the average ballot title or question was written at a level appropriate for those with between 19 and 20 years of U.S. formal education (graduate school-level of education), according to the FKGL formula. Read Ballotpedia's entire 2018 ballot language readability report here.

Support

Yes on Proposition 4 campaign logo
Better Boundaries logo

Better Boundaries is leading the campaign in support of Proposition 4. Better Boundaries is chaired by the following people:[16]

  • Jeff Wright (R), former Utah Department of Alcohol Beverage Control Commissioner and Actium Partners Chairman;
  • Ralph Becker (D), Former Salt Lake City Mayor;
  • Blake Moore (R) of the Cicero Group; and
  • Karen Shepherd (D), former U.S. Congresswoman.

Supporters

The Better Boundaries campaign website listed the following endorsements:[17]

Organizations

  • AARP Utah
  • Action Now Initiative
  • American Association of University Women (SLC)
  • American Civil Liberties Union
  • Represent US
  • Serve American Movement (SAM)[18]
  • UT League of Women Voters
  • Utah Citizens’ Counsel

Individuals

  • Fred C. Adams
  • Arnold Schwarzenegger (R)[19]
  • John A. Adams
  • Kari Adams
  • Lisa Ramsey Adams
  • Ron Allen
  • Sheryl Allen
  • McKenna Allred
  • Karen Alston
  • Spencer Alston
  • Scott Anderson
  • Camille Anthony
  • Archie Archuleta
  • Patrice Marla Arent
  • Anna Arevalo
  • Karma Arnold
  • Genevieve Atwood
  • N. Jeffrey Baker
  • Austin Bankhead
  • Christine Barker
  • Bruce Wayne Bastian
  • Deborah Bayle
  • Terry Becker
  • Lydia Berggren
  • Peter Billings
  • Turner Christopher Bitton
  • Stephanie Black
  • Deborah Blackburn
  • Diane Little Blackburn
  • Carol Blackwell
  • John Gregory Bloom
  • Brent Bowen
  • Jim E. Bradley
  • Lisa Miller Browdy
  • Cynthia Buckingham
  • Andy Wallace Buffmire
  • Jay Grisel Bundy
  • Gayle Burtenshaw
  • Rick Burtenshaw
  • Betsy Burton
  • Kit Burton
  • Jean Marie Canestrini
  • Beverly Bullock Carlson
  • Alexander Castagno
  • Philip Castle
  • Tim Chambless
  • Rep. Rebecca Chavez-Houck
  • Holly Christensen
  • Paul Christenson
  • Erik Christiansen
  • Heather Clarkson
  • Kathryn Clifford
  • Aileen Clyde
  • Craig Coburn
  • Dave Combs
  • Carolyn Connell
  • Rebecca Cooley
  • Cameron Alston Cova
  • Dale Cox
  • Gordon Crabtree
  • Joe Cronley
  • Ryan Dale Curtis
  • Eric Czech
  • Michael Davison
  • Becky Day
  • Candace Dee
  • Thomas Dee
  • Greta Dejong
  • Pamela Dennison
  • Jeannie DePaulis
  • Palmer DePaulis
  • Kenwyn Derby
  • Kathleen Digre
  • Stan Drasutis
  • Pamela Dropek
  • Richard Dropek
  • Emily Drown
  • Randy Dryer
  • Bobby Edwards
  • Travis Ehlinger
  • Kevin Michael Emerson
  • Peggy Evans
  • Katherine Ferguson
  • Bonnie Lynn Fernandez
  • Darleen Perris Fink
  • Patrick Fliming
  • Ann Florence
  • Karen S. Fouad
  • Craig French
  • Steve Gandre
  • Katharine B. Garff
  • Amy Garfield
  • William Garrett
  • Doug Gaskill
  • Ennis Gibbs
  • Robert Gilchrist
  • Alejandro Giraldo
  • Alison Godlewski
  • Tom Goldsmith
  • Diane J. Gunnell
  • John Haglund
  • Carl Hancock
  • Sydney Hansen
  • Nolan Harris
  • Peter Haug
  • Steven Haws
  • Lex Hemphill
  • Lyn Hinckley
  • Nancy Hobbs
  • Phyllis Hockett
  • Paul Hollingshaus
  • Dixie Snow Huefner
  • Robert P. Huefner
  • Bill L. Hunt
  • Greta Hyland
  • Carolyn Tanner Irish
  • Loren Israelsen
  • Jerry Jarvis
  • Nathan Jellen
  • Monty Jensen
  • Nicholas Jensen
  • Charlie Johnson
  • Jeffrey Johnson
  • Paul Johnson
  • Brian Jones
  • Pat Jones
  • Taylor Jones
  • Jen Joslin
  • Kirk Jowers
  • Brittany Jursik
  • Angel Kallas
  • Michael Alan Kalm
  • Richard Elliot Kanner
  • Rochelle Susan Kaplan
  • James Marie Kelly
  • Steven Kelty
  • Rep. Brian King
  • Cory Kinservik
  • Robert Kubichek
  • John Lair
  • Lorraine Lakey
  • Ben Lariviere
  • Scott Leckman
  • Helane Leta
  • Bruce Lindsay
  • David Livermore
  • William Lockhart
  • Ravell Lott
  • Thomas Milton Love
  • Jennifer Luft
  • Laura Lunceford
  • Connie Madden
  • Calvin Makelky
  • Kavindra Malik
  • Garrett Manion
  • Courtney Claire Marden
  • Tina Marler
  • Jane Marquardt
  • Tami Marquardt
  • Bill Martin
  • Norma Matheson
  • Deborah Matticks
  • Daniel C. Mattis
  • Michael Mattsson
  • David May
  • Robert Mayer
  • Mary McCarthey
  • Tom McCarthey
  • Erin McClade
  • Paula A. McFarland
  • Rush McGraw
  • William C. McGregor
  • Nancy McHugh
  • Jerilyn McIntyre
  • Liz McOmber
  • Robert Mecklenburg
  • Nancy Melich
  • Susan Meyer
  • Monique Milius
  • Bob Miller
  • Bonnie Miller
  • Jeff Miller
  • John Edward Miller
  • Kathie Miller
  • Mark Miller
  • Pamela Miller
  • Randy Miller
  • Anne Milliken
  • John Milliken
  • David T. Minix
  • Jeanette Misaka
  • Amanda Jane Mitchell
  • Amanda Montoya
  • Barry Moore
  • Norma Morgan
  • Elyce Mouskondis
  • Matthew Movsesian
  • Ariel D. Mumma
  • Kinde Nebeker
  • Austin Neff
  • Eric Neff
  • Nicola Nelson
  • L. Jackson Newell
  • Linda King Newell
  • William K. Nichols
  • Shannon Patrick O'Neal
  • John Ogilvie
  • William Ohlsen
  • Margaret D. Olsen
  • Terry Orme
  • Melinda Orms

Arguments

  • On their website, Better Boundaries argues:[20]

Utah’s current redistricting process requires reform because it allows incumbent politicians to manipulate the redistricting process by selecting the people who vote for them, without appropriate checks. This has resulted in less competitive races and politicians who prioritize their own interests over the needs of their constituents. The Better Boundaries campaign aims to create a more responsive, transparent and accountable redistricting process. The purpose of redistricting should be to redraw political boundaries to better align with population shifts (i.e., to ensure the “one person, one vote” principle).[14]

  • Co-chair of the Better Boundaries Coalition said, "We believe that voters should be picking their politicians and not the other way around, that is the politicians picking their voters."[21]
  • Peter Carroon, the chair of the Utah State Democratic Party and former mayor of Salt Lake County, said, "We are essentially urban areas that lose their voice under this kind of gerrymandering. What happens is, because we’re so lopsided politically, even if a Democrat wins in one of those districts, their legislative policies have to be so much focused on the rural areas.”[22]
  • Jeff Wright, a co-char of the Better Boundaries Coalition and former Utah Department of Alcohol Beverage Control Commissioner, said, “This is a bipartisan issue because, while the last redistricting and gerrymandering here in Utah benefited the party I support, in many other states it goes against the party I support. To avoid mutual assured destruction across the country, we need to have independent commissions.”[22]
  • The CEO of the Serve America Movement, Sarah Lenti, said, "Redistricting reform is one of our key electoral reform priorities. It is time to do away with the partisan gerrymandering that has led to increased political polarization and allows politicians to choose their voters."[18]

Official argument

The following official argument was submitted by Uthans for Responsive Government/Better Boundaries in favor of Proposition 4:[23]

Voters should choose their representatives, not vice versa.

Yet under current law, Utah politicians can choose their voters. Legislators draw their own legislative districts with minimal transparency, oversight, or checks on inherent conflicts of interest. As a result, politicians wield unbridled power to design districts to ensure their own re-election. This is called “gerrymandering.”

Gerrymandering is not new. But in recent years it has gotten out of control. Sophisticated computer modeling allows incumbents to craft districts with a precision the framers of the Utah Constitution could not have foreseen. Incumbents of both parties do this, with the result that Utah is divided into districts that empower politicians, not voters.

For example, Holladay City is splintered into four State House districts, two State Senate districts and two Congressional districts. Who benefits from this? Holladay voters don’t, but politicians do. Incumbents in safe districts are less responsive to voters and more responsive to special interests. In short, gerrymandering makes representative democracy less representative.

To be fair, we can’t expect legislators to fix the system. It benefits them. We the People must fix it. Proposition 4 returns power to the voters and puts people first in our political system. It does this by enacting the Utah Independent Redistricting Commission and Standards Act. The Act addresses the problem of gerrymandering in two ways.

First, it creates a seven-member Independent Redistricting Commission. The Governor and Legislative leaders appoint the Commissioners, at least two of whom must be politically unaffiliated. To promote impartiality, lobbyists, current and recently retired elected officials, political party leaders, and government appointees may not serve as Commissioners. With citizen input, the Commission draws proposed district boundaries for Utah’s congressional, legislative, and State school board districts. It then submits these electoral maps to the Legislature as required by the Utah Constitution. The Legislature can enact or reject the Commission’s proposed maps. If it rejects them, it must explain why to the citizens.

Second, the Act requires that, in drawing districts, the Commission and the Legislature abide by common-sense redistricting standards to the greatest extent practicable. These standards include:

  • Adhering to the U.S. and Utah Constitutions and other applicable law
  • Preserving equal populations among districts
  • Keeping municipalities and counties together
  • Creating districts that are compact and contiguous
  • Respecting traditional neighborhoods and communities of interest
  • Following geographic features and natural barriers

Most importantly, the Act forbids drawing districts to unduly favor or disfavor any incumbent, candidate, or political party. And it allows Utah voters to challenge a map enacted by the Legislature that violates these standards.

By placing common-sense limits on politicians’ power to design their districts, Proposition 4 will ensure that our representative government serves people, not politicians. It will make the redistricting process more transparent, increase voter participation, and make the politicians we elect more responsive and accountable to the people who elect them.

In short, it will ensure that Utah voters have a government of the People, by the People, and for the People.[14]

Opposition

Arguments

  • Utah House Speaker Greg Hughes (R-51) said in a statement, “Legislators are elected by the citizens of this state to perform specific duties detailed in the Utah Constitution and redistricting is a fundamental duty of the Legislature. [...] The purpose of this process is to have an open and a public discussion, gather input and come to a consensus based on information and research through a bipartisan committee that puts recommendations before the entire legislative body. An initiative to create an advisory committee does not override or bypass the Constitution simply because some may not like the outcome."[22]
  • Rep. Lowry Snow (R-74) said, “I understand the concerns with redistricting but I am concerned about utilizing that (ballot initiative) process.”[22]

Official argument

The following official argument was submitted by Sen. Ralph Okerlund (R-24) in opposition to Proposition 4:[23]

Proposition 4 is a cleverly disguised partisan plan to stifle the voice of the people of Utah as represented by the Legislature and unconstitutionally create an overwhelmingly Democrat congressional district around Salt Lake City.

Violates the Constitution

Inspired by the framers of our United States Constitution, the founders of Utah divided governmental power into three separate branches of government – the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial. The founders thought it was important to grant the legislature the exclusive authority over the redistricting process. Proposition 4 blatantly violates the Utah Constitution by creating a redistricting commission and granting that commission and the Utah Supreme Court a role in the redistricting process. If we, as citizens of Utah, wish to grant this legislative authority to other branches of government, we must do it through a constitutional amendment not an initiative petition.

The Perfect Legal Storm

Over the past few redistricting cycles there have been hundreds of redistricting lawsuits in at least 40 states. In that time, not a single successful case has been brought against Utah due to our transparent, fair, and strictly constitutional redistricting process.

Proposition 4 deliberately imposes vague and conflicting redistricting requirements, it leaves multiple key terms undefined, and it grants any person or business with a Utah address the right to legally challenge redistricting plans. These provisions reveal the obvious underlying goal of this initiative is to create a perfect legal storm for lengthy lawsuits that result in the courts unconstitutionally redrawing district boundaries.

Better Boundaries for Whom?

District boundaries are redrawn by the legislature every ten years following the census to ensure that every district is represented by the same number of people. Because Utah’s population is growing – the growth in each district must be averaged out. This means slower growing districts must have boundaries that expand, while the surrounding faster growing districts must have boundaries that shrink.

This is precisely what is happening in and around Salt Lake City. Due to their significantly slower population growth rates, district boundaries around Salt Lake City must expand to gain population while the surrounding districts shrink to average out. Despite being their last strong-hold in the state, it is inevitable that these current growth patterns will continue to water-down Democrat representation. Faced with this fact, proponents of Proposition 4 are desperately trying to maintain and even increase their representation by creating an overwhelmingly Democrat district insulated from the rest of the state.

Appropriately named by its Salt Lake City Democrat supporters, the “Better Boundaries Initiative,” begs the question: better boundaries for whom? Themselves.

Conclusion

Make no mistake about it, the backers of this initiative are not seeking to create a transparent, fair, and constitutionally sound redistricting process – we already have that. They are seeking to unconstitutionally pack what is now a competitive congressional district with Democrat voters to create a single, safe, and solidly Democrat congressional district for themselves.

Do not be fooled. Vote against Proposition 4.[14]


Media editorials

See also: 2018 ballot measure media endorsements

Support

  • The Salt Lake Tribune said: "After the 2020 federal census, Utah will draw new districts for its state Senate, state House and our four (or maybe more) members of the U.S House of Representatives. In past years, the process has been less a serious consideration of numbers and communities and fairness and mostly a partisan political, and sometimes just personal, act by which state legislators draw maps to advantage their party generally and some of their colleagues specifically. That’s not democracy. That’s gerrymandering... [Utah Propositions 2, 3, and 4] individually and collectively, stand to improve both our quality of life and our democratic institutions. The voters should give them their resounding assent."[24]

Opposition

Ballotpedia did not identify any media editorials in opposition to Proposition 4. If you are aware of one, please send an email with a link to editor@ballotpedia.org.

Campaign finance

See also: Campaign finance requirements for Utah ballot measures
Total campaign contributions:
Support: $2,798,943.44
Opposition: $0.00

Ballotpedia identified one committee—Utahns for Responsive Government—registered in support of Proposition 4. The committee had reported $2.8 million in contributions and $2.8 million in expenditures. The largest donor was the Action Now Initiative, which gave $1.12 million.[8]

Ballotpedia did not identify any committees registered to oppose Proposition 4.

Support

Committees in support of Proposition 4, Independent Redistricting Commission Initiative
Supporting committeesCash contributionsIn-kind servicesCash expenditures
Utahns for Responsive Government$2,595,178.86$203,764.58$2,565,408.18
Total$2,595,178.86$203,764.58$2,565,408.18
Totals in support
Total raised:$2,798,943.44
Total spent:$2,769,172.76

Top donors

The top five donors in support of Proposition 4 provided 53.63 percent of the total contributions to the committee.

Donor Cash In-kind Total
Action Now Initiative $967,000.36 $156,500.00 $1,123,500.36
Michael Weinholtz $200,000.00 $0.00 $200,000.00
Campaign for Democracy $100,000.00 $0.00 $100,000.00
Barbara Tanner $70,000.00 $0.00 $70,000.00
Bruce Bastian $60,000.00 $0.00 $60,000.00

Opposition

Ballotpedia did not identify any committees registered in opposition to the measure.

Methodology

To read Ballotpedia's methodology for covering ballot measure campaign finance information, click here.

Polls

See also: Ballotpedia's approach to covering polls and 2018 ballot measure polls

A poll conducted by Dan Jones & Associates from August 22 to August 31, 2018, asked 809 likely Utah voters the following question:[25]

Do you support or oppose creating a bipartisan/nonpartisan commission to draw the U.S. House, state Senate and House, and State School Board district boundaries, and require the Legislature to vote up or down the redistricting, but not change it?[14]

The results are shown below:[25]

Utah Proposition 4, Redistricting Commission Initiative (2018)
Poll Support OpposeDon't knowMargin of errorSample size
Dan Jones & Associates
8/22/2018 - 8/31/2018
52.0%18.0%30.0%+/-3.4809
Note: The polls above may not reflect all polls that have been conducted in this race. Those displayed are a random sampling chosen by Ballotpedia staff. If you would like to nominate another poll for inclusion in the table, send an email to editor@ballotpedia.org.

Background

District maps

Congressional districts

See also: United States congressional delegations from Utah
Click the above image to enlarge it.
Source: The National Atlas of the United States of America

Utah comprises four congressional districts. The map to the right depicts Utah's congressional district lines as drawn following the 2010 United States Census.

Demographics
See also: Demographics of congressional districts as of 2015 and Demographics of congressional districts as of 2015 (as percentages)

The tables below provide demographic information for each of Utah's congressional districts as of 2015. At that time, the population of the largest congressional district, Utah's 4th Congressional District, totaled 762,014, and the population of the smallest, Utah's 1st Congressional District, totaled 740,397, which represented a difference of 2.92 percent.[26]

Demographics of Utah's congressional districts (as percentages)
District Hispanic or Latino of any race White Black or African American American Indian and Alaska Native Asian Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander Other Multiple races
District 1, Utah 12.91% 81.35% 0.96% 0.92% 1.34% 0.27% 0.06% 2.19%
District 2, Utah 15.29% 76.70% 1.12% 0.73% 2.92% 1.10% 0.13% 1.99%
District 3, Utah 10.25% 82.38% 0.53% 1.62% 2.07% 0.61% 0.08% 2.46%
District 4, Utah 16.12% 75.34% 1.70% 0.69% 2.75% 1.15% 0.09% 2.15%
Source: United States Census Bureau, "American Fact Finder: 2015 1-year estimates," accessed May 23, 2017

State legislative maps

See also: Utah State Senate and Utah House of Representatives

Utah comprises 29 state Senate districts and 75 state House districts. State senators are elected every four years in partisan elections. State representatives are elected every two years in partisan elections. To access the current state legislative district maps, click here.[27]

Redistricting in Utah

In Utah, both congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn by the state legislature. These lines are subject to veto by the governor. Redistricting must be done during the legislative session immediately following the release of the results of a federal census according to Amendment D approved by voters in 2008.[7] In 2011, the state legislature adopted guidelines for both congressional and state legislative redistricting. These guidelines recommended that all districts be "contiguous and reasonably compact." These guidelines may be amended by the legislature at its discretion.[7]

Going into the election, district lines were redrawn every 10 years. Following the 2010 United States Census, Utah was apportioned four congressional seats. Going into the election, the Utah State Legislature was responsible for congressional and state legislative redistricting. Redistricting plans are proposed and passed like ordinary legislation. As such, the Governor of Utah may veto any redistricting plan.

Redistricting in Utah after the 2010 census

In Utah, the Joint Redistricting Committee of the Utah Legislature drafts district boundaries. That committee, selected by Speaker of the House Rebecca Lockhart and Senate President Michael Waddoups in April 2011, held 18 hearings around the state. In the fall the legislature convened in a special session to pass the new maps.[28]

Three of these members, Biskupski, Waddoups, and Davis, also sat on the 2001 committee.[29] Once named, the membership came under fire for failing to include any non-whites, in a state where 20% of the residents are Hispanic.[30]

Efforts to transition to a citizen populated commission had not been successful, but continued in the hopes of making such a change for the 2020 Census and 2021 redistricting. A Democratic bid to include attention to communities of interest also failed to make it into the final guidelines for redistricting.

The state legislature approved Senate Bill 3002, which contained the latest congressional district lines, and the governor signed it into law on October 20, 2011.[7] In 2011, the legislature passed House Bill 3001 and Senate Bill 3001, which contained the state legislative district maps, and the governor signed them into law on October 19, 2011, and October 20, 2011, respectively. In January 2012, the legislature passed bills—Senate Bill 125 and House Bill 286—amending the district maps passed in 2011.[7]

Partisan conflict during 2010 redistricting process

Following the completion of Utah's redistricting process, Republicans and Democrats began investigating the conduct of their respective political rivals. Both parties filed a Government Records Access and Management Act request, seeking communications regarding the redistricting process. Although Democrats were still fighting over fees associated with the request (as of December 11, 2011), Republicans had obtained over 1,000 pages of information. This information, said Republicans, revealed that Democratic lawmakers worked behind the scenes to determine the political impact of redistricting proposals. The GOP called the actions hypocritical in light of Democratic calls for greater transparency. Democrats, however, argued that their actions were primarily defensive and were aimed at combating shady tactics on the part of state Republicans.[31]

Senate Minority Leader Ross Romero, a Salt Lake Democrat, ran a bill in 2010 that would have created an independent redistricting committee; his effort did not survive its first committee hearing. Republicans, who had a comfortable majority in the state, pointed to the legislature's sole responsibility for redistricting under the Utah Constitution. Senator Romero's colleague, Senate President Michael Waddoups, also scoffed at the idea of anyone being unaffected enough by the redistricting process as to be free from biases.[32] In early February 2011, the Utah Citizens Council, headed by former member of the State Board of Regents Aileen Clyde, called publicly to dissolve the legislature's redistricting power. The gain of a seat, the strong partisan flavor of the state, and the still-palpable taste of 2001's gerrymandering all bolstered the push for such an independent body.[33]

Fair Boundaries initiative

A citizen-initiated petition drive to put an item on the November ballot for switching control of redistricting to a citizen commission failed in the spring of 2011. With a March 17, 2011 deadline to turn in 95,000 signatures, the effort, led by Glenn Wright, only amassed 50,000 before running out of time.[34]

Methods of redistricting in U.S.

See also: State-by-state redistricting procedures

In general, a state's redistricting authority can be classified as one of the following:[35]

  1. Legislature-dominant: In a legislature-dominant state, the legislature retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. Maps enacted by the legislature may or may not be subject to gubernatorial veto. Advisory commissions may also be involved in the redistricting process, although the legislature is not bound to adopt an advisory commission's recommendations.
  2. Commission: In a commission state, an extra-legislative commission retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. A non-politician commission is one whose members cannot hold elective office. A politician commission is one whose members can hold elective office.
  3. Hybrid: In a hybrid state, the legislature shares redistricting authority with a commission.

Procedures for congressional redistricting in the U.S.

Most states are required to draw new congressional district lines every 10 years following completion of United States Census (those states comprising one congressional district are not required to redistrict). In 37 of these states, state legislatures were primarily responsible for redistricting as of May 2018. In four states, independent commissions drew congressional district lines. In two states, politician commissions drew the lines. The remaining states comprised one congressional district each, rendering redistricting unnecessary. See the map below for further details.[36][37]

Procedures for state legislative redistricting in the U.S.

In 37 of the 50 states, state legislatures were primarily responsible for state legislative redistricting as of August 2017. Independent commissions drew state legislative district lines in six states. In seven states, politician commissions were responsible for state legislative redistricting. See the map and table below for further details.[36]

Election policy on the ballot in 2018



Election Policy Logo.png

Electoral system
Electoral systems by state
Ranked-choice voting (RCV)
Academic studies on RCV
Election dates
Election agencies
Election terms

Ballotpedia's Election Administration Legislation Tracker

Public Policy Logo-one line.png

Voters considered ballot measures addressing election policy in 15 states in 2018.

Redistricting:

See also: Redistricting measures on the ballot
  • Missouri Amendment 1, Lobbying, Campaign Finance, and Redistricting Initiative (2018) Approveda - The PAC Clean Missouri collected signatures to get the initiated amendment on the ballot. The measure made changes to the state's lobbying laws, campaign finance limits for state legislative candidates, and legislative redistricting process. The position of nonpartisan state demographer was created. Amendment 1 made the demographer responsible for drawing legislative redistricting maps and presenting them to the House and Senate apportionment commissions.

Voting requirements and ballot access:

  • Florida Amendment 4, Voting Rights Restoration for Felons Initiative (2018) Approveda - The committee Floridians for a Fair Democracy collected more than the required 766,200 signatures to get Amendment 4 placed on the ballot. The measure was designed to automatically restore the right to vote for people with prior felony convictions, except those convicted of murder or a felony sexual offense, upon completion of their sentences, including prison, parole, and probation. It was approved.
  • North Carolina Voter ID Amendment (2018) Approveda - This amendment was referred to the ballot by the state legislature along party lines with Republicans voting in favor of it and Democrats voting against it. It created a constitutional requirement that voters present a photo ID to vote in person. It was approved.

Arkansas Issue 3, a legislative term limits initiative, was certified for the ballot but was blocked by an Arkansas Supreme Court ruling. The measure would have imposed term limits of six years for members of the Arkansas House of Representatives and eight years for members of the Arkansas Senate. The ruling came too late to remove the measure from the ballot, but the supreme court ordered election officials to not count or certify votes for Issue 3.

Campaign finance, political spending, and ethics:

  • Colorado Amendment 75, Campaign Contribution Limits Initiative (2018) Defeatedd - Proponents collected more than the required 136,328 valid signatures and met the state's distribution requirement to qualify this initiative for the ballot. The measure would have established that if any candidate for state office directs (by loan or contribution) more than one million dollars in support of his or her own campaign, then every candidate for the same office in the same primary or general election may accept five times the aggregate amount of campaign contributions normally allowed. It was defeated.


Path to the ballot

See also: Laws governing the initiative process in Utah

The state process

In Utah, the number of signatures required to qualify an initiated state statute for the ballot is equal to 10 percent of the votes cast in the state for presidential candidates in the previous presidential election. Petition circulation must be distributed so that signatures equal to 10 percent of votes cast for President are collected from each of at least 26 of the 29 Utah State Senate districts. Signatures must be submitted 316 days from the application date or by April 15, whichever is earliest.

The requirements to get an initiated state statute certified for the 2018 ballot:

  • Signatures: 113,143 valid signatures were required.
  • Deadline: The deadline to submit signatures was April 15, 2018. Each initiative also has an initiative-specific deadline 316 days following the initial application.

Each signature is verified by the county clerks in the county where the signature was collected. After verification, the petition forms are delivered to the lieutenant governor, who counts the total number of certified signatures and declares the petition as either sufficient or insufficient.

Details about this initiative

  • The initiative petition was filed with the lieutenant governor on July 20, 2017.[11]
  • A fiscal impact statement was provided on August 21, 2017.
  • Seven public hearings were held on September 1 and September 2 of 2017.[38]
  • As of 2017 year-end filings, proponents had spent $319,738 on the signature petition drive. That $319,738 was paid to the petition management company Grassroots Utah.[8]
  • Proponents of this initiative reported submitting about 190,000 signatures before the deadline on Monday, April 16, 2018.[39][40]
  • On May 29, 2018, the lieutenant governor certified the measure for the ballot. Proponents submitted 150,082 valid signatures and met the signature requirement thresholds in 26 of 29 state Senate districts. To qualify for the ballot, the initiative needed at least 113,143 valid signatures statewide and needed to meet signature thresholds in at least 26 of 29 state Senate districts.[41][42]

Cost of signature collection:
Sponsors of the measure hired Grassroots Utah to collect signatures for the petition to qualify this measure for the ballot. A total of $1,040,087.00 was spent to collect the 113,143 valid signatures required to put this measure before voters, resulting in a total cost per required signature (CPRS) of $9.19.

Related measures on the ballot

Redistricting measures measures on the ballot in 2018
StateMeasures
MichiganMichigan Proposal 2: Independent Redistricting Commission Initiative Approveda
MissouriMissouri Amendment 1: Lobbying, Campaign Finance, and Redistricting Approveda

How to cast a vote

See also: Voting in Utah

Poll times

Utah is an all-mail voting state that offers vote centers for voters that choose to vote in person. All vote centers are open from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m. local time. Utah voters are able to vote in person at any vote center. An individual who is in line at the time polls close must be allowed to vote.[43]

Registration requirements

Check your voter registration status here.

To register to vote in Utah, an applicant must be a citizen of the United States, a resident of Utah for at least 30 days prior to the election, and at least 18 years old by the next general election. Pre-registration is available for 16- and 17-year-olds. 17-year-olds may vote in primary elections if they will turn 18 by the general election.[44] Registration can be completed online or by mailing in a form. The deadline to register online or by mail is 11 days before Election Day. After this deadline, voters may register in person at a vote center by casting a provisional ballot and providing two forms of identification.[45][44][46]

Automatic registration

Utah does not practice automatic voter registration.

Online registration

See also: Online voter registration

Utah has implemented an online voter registration system. Residents can register to vote by visiting this website.

Same-day registration

In 2018, Utah enacted same-day voter registration; voters may register on Election Day and during the ten days prior by casting a provisional ballot and providing two forms of identification.[45][47]

Residency requirements

Prospective voters must be residents of the state for at least 30 days before the election.

Verification of citizenship

See also: Laws permitting noncitizens to vote in the United States

Utah does not require proof of citizenship for voter registration.

Verifying your registration

The Utah Lieutenant Governor’s office allows residents to check their voter registration status online by visiting this website.

Voter ID requirements

Utah requires in-person voters to present non-photo identification while voting.[48]

The following list of accepted ID was current as of April 2023. Click here for the Utah State Legislature's statute defining accepted ID to ensure you have the most current information.

"Valid voter identification" means:

  • a form of identification that bears the name and photograph of the voter which may include:
    • a currently valid Utah driver license;
    • a currently valid identification card that is issued by:
      • the state; or
      • a branch, department, or agency of the United States;
    • a currently valid Utah permit to carry a concealed weapon;
    • a currently valid United States passport; or
    • a currently valid United States military identification card;
  • one of the following identification cards, whether or not the card includes a photograph of the voter:
    • a valid tribal identification card;
    • a Bureau of Indian Affairs card; or
    • a tribal treaty card; or
  • two forms of identification not listed under Subsection (76)(a) or (b) but that bear the name of the voter and provide evidence that the voter resides in the voting precinct, which may include:
    • a current utility bill or a legible copy thereof, dated within the 90 days before the election;
    • a bank or other financial account statement, or a legible copy thereof;
    • a certified birth certificate;
    • a valid social security card;
    • a check issued by the state or the federal government or a legible copy thereof;
    • a paycheck from the voter's employer, or a legible copy thereof;
    • a currently valid Utah hunting or fishing license;
    • certified naturalization documentation;
    • a currently valid license issued by an authorized agency of the United States;
    • a certified copy of court records showing the voter's adoption or name change;
    • a valid Medicaid card, Medicare card, or Electronic Benefits Transfer Card;
    • a currently valid identification card issued by:
      • a local government within the state;
      • an employer for an employee; or
      • a college, university, technical school, or professional school located within the state; or
    • a current Utah vehicle registration.[48][14]

See also

External links

Support

Opposition

Email links to editor@ballotpedia.org.

Footnotes

  1. KPCW, "Lawmakers Announce Changes To Prop 4 Independent Redistricting Commission," accessed February 28, 2020
  2. KUTV, "Utah House passes redistricting bill that amends voter-approved Prop 4," accessed March 20, 2020
  3. All About Redistricting, "Why does it matter?" accessed April 8, 2015
  4. Indy Week, "Cracked, stacked and packed: Initial redistricting maps met with skepticism and dismay," June 29, 2011
  5. The Atlantic, "How the Voting Rights Act Hurts Democrats and Minorities," June 17, 2013
  6. Redrawing the Lines, "The Role of Section 2 - Majority Minority Districts," accessed April 6, 2015
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 All About Redistricting, "Utah," accessed May 4, 2015
  8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 Utah Lieutenant Governor's Office, "Utahns for Responsive Government," accessed January 10, 2019
  9. New York Times, "Drive Against Gerrymandering Finds New Life in Ballot Initiatives," July 23, 2018
  10. SCOTUSblog, "Gill v. Whitford," accessed August 20, 2018
  11. 11.0 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 11.5 11.6 11.7 11.8 Utah Lieutenant Governor, "Utah Independent Redistricting Commission and Standards Act," July 20, 2017
  12. Deseret News, "Op-ed: Better Boundaries will bring better democracy to Utah," accessed July 13, 2018
  13. Utah Lieutenant Governor's office: Elections, "Ballot title for Proposition Number 4," accessed July 5, 2018
  14. 14.0 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 14.6 14.7 14.8 14.9 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
  15. 15.0 15.1 Utah Lieutenant Governor; Elections, "Proposition Number 4," accessed September 27, 2018
  16. Better Boundaries, "Homepage," accessed August 11, 2017
  17. Better Boundaries, "Endorsers," accessed September 28, 2018
  18. 18.0 18.1 KUTV, "Better Boundaries endorses Utah better boundaries redistricting reform measures," accessed June 25, 2018
  19. The Atlantic, "Schwarzenegger Is Back in a Wonky Campaign Fight Against Gerrymandering," accessed October 15, 2018
  20. Better Boundaries, "About," accessed July 12, 2018
  21. Associated Press, "System to redraw Utah districts meets ballot threshold," accessed May 11, 2018
  22. 22.0 22.1 22.2 22.3 St. Georgia News, "'Better Boundaries’ ballot initiative would create independent redistricting commission," July 24, 2017
  23. 23.0 23.1 Utah Lt. Governor, "Arguments for and against Proposition 4," accessed September 29, 2018
  24. Salt Lake Tribune, "Tribune editorial: Vote yes on Utah Propositions 2, 3 and 4," accessed October 15, 2018
  25. 25.0 25.1 Utah Policy, "Majority of Utahns support redistricting reform initiative, but nearly a third are still undecided," accessed September 17, 2018
  26. United States Census Bureau, "American Fact Finder: 2015 1-year estimates," accessed May 23, 2017
  27. Utah State Legislature, "Utah State Legislative District Maps," accessed May 4, 2015
  28. Vernal Express, 'Van Tassell says redistricting won’t effect Basin much ," March 29, 2011
  29. Utah Policy.com, "Redistricting work gets underway in one week," April 18, 2011
  30. ABC 4 "Exclusive: Latino legislators unhappy over all white Redistricting Committee," April 25, 2011
  31. Salt Lake Tribune, "GOP: Democrats are hypocrites on redistricting," December 11, 2011
  32. Salt Lake Tribune, "Utahns want independent redistricting commission," January 30, 2011
  33. Deseret News, "Group targets redistricting effort in Utah," February 28, 2011
  34. ABC 4 News, "Not enough signatures for redistricting initiative," March 18, 2011
  35. All About Redistricting, "Who draws the lines?" accessed June 19, 2017
  36. 36.0 36.1 All About Redistricting, "Who draws the lines?" accessed March 25, 2015
  37. Brennan Center for Justice, "National Overview of Redistricting: Who draws the lines?" June 1, 2010
  38. Utah Elections Office, "Better Boundaries Notice of​ ​Public​ ​Hearings," accessed January 18, 2018
  39. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named SigSubmitted
  40. Fox 13, "Where the signatures are on ballot initiatives in Utah," March 26, 2018
  41. Utah Lieutenant Governor Elections, "Final Verified Signatures for 2018 Initiatives Updated May 29, 2018, at 2:15pm," accessed May 30, 2018
  42. Office of the Lieutenant Governor, "2018 Statewide Initiative Certification Letter," accessed May 30, 2018
  43. Salt Lake County Clerk, “Election Day Vote Centers,” accessed April 24, 2023
  44. 44.0 44.1 [https://voteinfo.utah.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/42/2020/05/Voter-Registration-Form5-20.pdf Utah Lieutenant Governor: Elections, “State of Utah Voter Registration Form,” accessed April 24, 2023
  45. 45.0 45.1 Utah Lieutenant Governor, “Learn how to register to vote,” accessed April 24, 2023
  46. Vote.Utah.gov, "State of Utah Voter Registration Form," accessed April 24, 2023
  47. Utah State Legislature, “Section 207 Registration by provisional ballot,” accessed April 24, 2023
  48. 48.0 48.1 Justia, "Utah §20A-1-102(2022)," accessed April 24, 2023